Tuesday, July 2, 2013

Gary R. Habermas

Gary R. Habermas has completed an extensive survey of contemporary exegetes on this matter, and has made several interesting discoveries:
[1] The latest research on Jesus’ resurrection appearances reveals several extraordinary developments. As firmly as ever, most contemporary scholars agree that, after Jesus’ death, his early followers had experiences that they at least believed were appearances of their risen Lord. Further, this conviction was the chief motivation behind the early proclamation of the Christian gospel. These basics are rarely questioned, even by more radical scholars. They are among the most widely established details from the entire New Testament.[1]
[2] Perhaps surprisingly, more skeptical scholars often still acknowledge the grounds for the appearances as well. … Helmut Koester [notes]: “We are on much firmer ground with respect to the appearances of the risen Jesus and their effect…. That Jesus also appeared to others (Peter, Mary Magdalene, James) cannot very well be questioned.” [2]
In view of this general agreement about the historicity of the resurrection appearances, where do opinions diverge? Habermas again notes, “the crux of the issue, then, is not whether there were real experiences, but how we explain the nature of these early experiences.”[3]
Habermas then proceeds to inquire into what these exegetes consider to be the cause of the apostolic Church’s early and widespread belief that Jesus rose from the dead. Was it a natural cause or a supernatural cause? Surprisingly, the vast majority of exegetes believe that the cause was supernatural. Nevertheless, Habermas examines the minority opinion, namely, natural causation. His investigation ranges from the subjective vision theory of Gerd Lüdemann (who grounds his hypothesis in “stimulus,” “religious intoxication,” and “enthusiasm”[4] ), to the illumination theory of Willi Marxsen (who asserts that Peter had an internal experience which led him to convince the other apostles about Jesus’ resurrection).[5] These theories do not stand up to serious historical and exegetical scrutiny. Indeed, most of them fail when subjected to quite superficial applications of historical and exegetical criteria,[6] and so Habermas concludes, “In the twentieth century, critical scholarship has largely rejected wholesale the naturalistic approaches to the resurrection.”[7]
He then proceeds to an examination of supernatural causes for the early witnesses’ experience of the risen Jesus. “Supernatural causation” means that something happened to Jesus rather than to His followers. What happened to Jesus must be supernatural because it effects a transition from death to new life. Variations among “supernatural causation” explanations are centered on the ways in which the risen Jesus appeared – that is, the ways in which His risen life was mediated in the physical world (in history) so that it could be collectively experienced by His followers. There are two major hypotheses in this regard: (1) a luminous appearance and (2) a transformed corporeal appearance.
The luminous explanation holds that Jesus appeared as light (divine glory) to individuals and groups of disciples. This luminous appearance would have been mediated in the physical world and could have been shared by several witnesses at once. Though it is not a “subjective” appearance,[8] it accents the transformation of Jesus’ risen life to the virtual total exclusion of continuity with His previous human embodiment. The luminous explanation is derived mostly from the accounts of Paul’s experience of the risen Jesus in Acts. Its two most famous proponents are Joachim Jeremias and Reginald Fuller. Jeremias notes in this regard:
…[T]he appearance of Christ to Paul which is mentioned last in I Cor. 15.3ff., and which consisted in a vision of shining light (II Cor. 4.6; Acts 9.3; 22.6; 26.13), clearly attests the pneumatic character of the Christophanies (cf. I Cor. 15.44…); it may be regarded as typical of all of them.[9]
Fuller agrees with Jeremias and concludes:
From this we would suggest, very tentatively, that the form which the self-disclosure of the Risen One took for Paul (and therefore presumably, also for the recipients of appearances prior to him) was the form of a vision of light. ¶ In alluding to his apostolic call in Galatians 1:16, Paul seems to imply that it was not simply a visual experience of some sort, but that it also involved a communication of meaning: God revealed his Son (i.e., Jesus in his eschatological [heavenly and glorified]-christological significance) to Paul.[10]
As noted above, this explanation is not merely subjective; it is mediated through the physical world, and as such, can be sensorially experienced by many witnesses at once. Nevertheless, it puts an almost total accent on Jesus’ transformed (glorious) appearance and eclipses the corporeal qualities or human characteristics which were very likely part of his appearance (see below, Section 2).
Though these theories enjoyed considerable popularity in the exegetical community between 1956 to the 1980s, they began to wane after that time because they tended to give too little credence to the Gospel accounts of post-resurrection embodiment and even to Saint Paul’s references to “spiritual body” (pneumatikon sōma). After the publication of N.T. Wright’s extraordinarily comprehensive work, The Resurrection of the Son of God, this hypothesis was overshadowed by the “transformed corporeal” explanation of Jesus’ resurrection. According to Habermas, the luminous explanation is held by only 19% of the contemporary exegetical community, while the “transformed corporeal” explanation is held by 56% of that same community.
As will be shown below, the resurrection appearances of Jesus have both a transformational (spiritual) character as well as a corporeal character. Since the luminous explanation puts so much emphasis on light (glory), it is less complete than “transformed corporeal” explanations, which leave room for combinations of exaltation (transmaterial or spiritual) characteristics with corporeal (human) characteristics. These explanations may be classified according to three kinds: (1) an appearance which begins with corporeal characteristics and moves to spiritual/glorious characteristics, (2) an appearance which begins with emphasis on spiritual/glorious characteristics and then moves toward corporeal characteristics, and (3) appearances which combine both spiritual/glorious and corporeal characteristics at once (like a super-transfiguration of Jesus, in which there is a clear corporeal feature animated by light and brilliance).
N.T. Wright’s work reveals that the departure of the Christian notions of resurrection, kingdom, messiahship, and worldview, from their roots in Second-temple Judaism, virtually requires an early Christian experience of corporeal (as well as transformed) resurrection (see Unit II-D). When this is combined with the early accounts of the empty tomb, it lends great weight to the evidence for a transformed-corporeal resurrection of Jesus.
Thus, the transformed-corporeal theory comprehensively explains: (1) the full range of resurrection accounts in the Gospels including the empty tomb, the appearance to the women, and the appearance to the disciples, (2) the accounts of Saint Paul with their spiritual and corporeal elements, and (3) the many departures of early Christianity from its roots in Second-temple Judaism. There can be no doubt that it has the widest and deepest explanatory power of any theory of the risen appearances yet conceived, which is why it enjoys such great popularity among contemporary scholars (over 56%).
The remainder of this Unit and the next will be devoted to justifying this claim and presenting N.T. Wright’s comprehensive analysis of the evidence for Jesus’ transformed-corporeal resurrection. This will be done in six sections:
(1) Jesus’ risen appearance in Saint Paul (see page contents below, Section 1);
(2) Witnesses, dates, and Gospel accounts of Jesus’ risen appearance (see page contents below, Section 2);
(3) Wright’s argument for the historicity of the resurrection from the unique development of the Christian Church (see Encyclopedia Unit L)
(4) Wright’s argument for the historicity of the resurrection from the uniquely Christian conception of “resurrection” (see Encyclopedia Unit L, Section II);
(5) Wright’s argument for the historicity of the resurrection from the uniquely Christian conception of “messiahship” and “kingdom,” (see Encyclopedia Unit L, Section III);
(6) Jesus’ resurrection and the revelation of His divinity (see Encyclopedia Unit L, Section IV).
Evidence of the Historicity of Jesus’ Resurrection in Saint Paul
The historical assessment of Paul’s testimony to the risen appearance of Jesus will be taken up in four subsections:
A) The 1Corinthians 15 kerygma,
B) Paul’s experience of the risen Jesus,
C) Paul’s validation of his claim to have experienced the risen Jesus, and
D) Wright’s argument for the historicity of Paul’s experience of the risen Jesus.
The 1Corinthians 15 Kerygma
The kerygmas represent the earliest extant proclamations of the primitive Church (AD late 30s and 40s?[11]). They are brief texts that resemble very simple creedal statements, and are to be found mostly in the Pauline letters, and the Acts of the Apostles (particularly in the speeches of Peter and Paul). These texts predate the Pauline letters and the Acts of the Apostles in which they are contained. They are identifiable through form critical methods, which were elucidated by C.H. Dodd and his predecessors.[12]
Of the ten kerygmas Dodd has identified, nine have explicit reference to Jesus’ resurrection: Acts 2:14-39, Acts 3:13-26, Acts 4:10-12, Acts 5:30-32, Acts 10:36-43, Acts 13:17-41, 1Thess 1:10, 1Cor 15:1-7, Rom 8:34. The only kerygma that does not make explicit reference to the resurrection is one that Dodd has pieced together from two sections of Galatians (Gal 3:1 followed by Gal 1:3-4). Given the solidity of Dodd’s analysis, the resurrection of Jesus is unquestionably central to the earliest strands of apostolic preaching.
The most famous kerygma concerned with the resurrection is the one found in 1Corinthians 15. Here, Paul says he is repeating a tradition which he himself received (showing that it predates the writing of 1Corinthians). It has an obvious formulaic character, relates the resurrection to the death and burial, and gives a list of witnesses to these appearances. This primitive formula contains some additions by Paul (indicated below by square brackets). The kerygma may be translated as follows:
[For I delivered to you as of first importance what I also received], that Christ died for our sins in accordance with the scriptures, that he was buried, that he was raised on the third day in accordance with the scriptures, and that he appeared to Cephas, then to the twelve. Then he appeared to more than five hundred brethren at one time [most of whom are still alive, though some have fallen asleep.] Then he appeared to James, then to all the apostles. [Last of all, as to one untimely born, he appeared also to me.] (1Cor. 15:3-8)
Raymond Brown concurs with others that, even though Paul arrived in Corinth in 50, and wrote his famous letter in 56, this kerygma probably originated in the mid-30s. The reason is threefold. First, this passage contains the various factors of an early kerygmatic formula. Secondly, Paul uses the technical words for “transmit” (paralambanō) and “receive” (paradidōmi), which indicate that he is handing on a tradition he likely received at the time of his conversion (the mid-30s).[13] Thirdly, Joachim Jeremias[14] and later, Reginald Fuller (with modifications) have argued for an Aramaic (older, mostly Palestinian) origin of this kerygma. Fuller sums up the evidence as follows:
The safest conclusion for the moment seems to be that the tradition as Paul received it was originally Palestinian, but that it has subsequently passed through a Hellenistic Jewish milieu, and that it was this Hellenized form that Paul received. Although Hellenized, the content of the formula is certainly Palestinian in origin. It was in that milieu that the title “Christos” was first associated with the passion. It was there, too, that the atoning interpretation of Christ’s death was first developed (Mark 10:45; 14:24). It was there that the statement about Christ’s burial is most likely to have originated. It was there apparently that the resurrection of the Christ was first proclaimed. It was there that the apologetic which asserted that Christ’s death took place in fulfillment of scripture originated, and it was with Palestine – specifically with Jerusalem – that Cephas, the Twelve, and James were associated.[15]
Two parts of the kerygma are obviously Pauline additions (see the passages above which are indented and in square brackets). Evidently, the passage beginning with (“Last of all…he appeared also to me”) is Pauline in origin, for Paul does not need to refer to a tradition about himself. The first passage (“most of whom are still alive, though some have fallen asleep”) is also Pauline in origin. This passage merits special attention, not only because it is a Pauline addition, but because of its value in ascertaining the historicity of the events portrayed in the kerygma. By phrasing the passage in this way, Paul is virtually inviting his Corinthian audience to “check out the facts” with the living witnesses. The fact that Paul is writing within living memory of these extraordinary events, and seems to be acquainted with many of the witnesses he lists, that he is aware that these witnesses are still alive, and challenges the Corinthians to investigate them, gives considerable evidential weight to the claims in the passage.[16]
Who are the Witnesses in the 1Corinthians 15 Kerygma?
There are many interpretations of this list. Some exegetes believe that the list could be chronological, as Paul seems to suggest with his use of “first,” “next,” and “last of all…He appeared to me.” Others have suggested that the first part of the list establishes Church governance,[17] while the second part of the list establishes the missionary Church.[18] It is not inconceivable that all three interpretations could be true, such that Jesus could have established Church governance and a missionary Church through the precise chronology elucidated by the kerygma.
The first appearance to Peter and to the Twelve appear to be linked and probably occurred in Galilee. Fuller notes in this regard:
…[T]he appearances to Cephas and to the Twelve form a closely linked group. A single ōphthē (“he appeared”) functions for both appearances, and the particle eita (“then”), used in verses 5-7 to join two items within a single group, connects these two appearances. … Even if we assume that the disciples remained hidden in Jerusalem until after the Sabbath, as Mark seems to suppose, yet according to the earliest available tradition (Mark) it was in Galilee that the first appearances took place. … We may conjecture that upon arriving back in Galilee, Peter proceeded to assemble the disciples for the second appearance. Luke contains a hint that this was the procedure: “When you [singular] have turned again, strengthen your brethren” (Luke 22:32).[19]
The third appearance (to the 500+) probably took place after the Twelve returned to Jerusalem and gathered the community together. Fuller believes that this Jerusalem appearance may have been the point at which the risen Jesus bestowed the Holy Spirit upon the large crowd gathered there.[20] Jeremias adds to this contention by noting:
Paul’s remark in I Cor. 15.6 that of the five hundred “most are still alive, but some have fallen asleep,” which is meant to underline the reliability of the account, also contains an indirect reference to the place of the appearance. That it is possible to ascertain which of the eye-witnesses to this appearance are still alive a quarter of a century later makes one wonder whether at least the majority of the five hundred lived in one and the same place, and that would apply to Jerusalem. Since the days of the Tübingen school, therefore, the hypothesis that the appearance to the five hundred and Pentecost are two different traditions of one and the same event has found many supporters. A further point in favour of this combination is that in John 20.22 we find Christophany and the receiving of the spirit linked together.[21]
Some exegetes stress caution with this thesis, because the appearance to the 500 is clearly a Christophany, while the gift of the Holy Spirit in Acts is a charismatic activity, including speaking in tongues. But there is no evidence from Scripture to preclude both of these from being combined (i.e., the risen Christ giving the Holy Spirit to the disciples at Jerusalem). Even if one separates the gift of the Holy Spirit from the appearance to the 500+, the remainder of Fuller’s thesis could still be true, namely, that “the +500 are the first-fruits of the church-founding function of Peter and the Twelve after their return from Galilee to Jerusalem.”[22]
The fourth appearance to James would seem to be (like Paul’s) a post-Pentecost event. Fuller notes that this “James” would almost certainly have to be James the brother (the relative/follower)[23] of Jesus, for James the Less is too insignificant, and James the Greater is martyred very early on. The appearance to this James would explain why he experienced such a rapid rise in the post-Pentecost Church when he does not appear to be even a significant disciple of Jesus during the ministry. Fuller goes so far as to say:
It might be said that if there were no record of an appearance to James the Lord’s brother in the New Testament we should have to invent one in order to account for his post-resurrection conversion and rapid advance.[24]
There is ample evidence in the Acts of the Apostles to show that James serves a double role – he is at once the head of the Jerusalem Church, and also appears to be head of all missionary activities stemming from Jerusalem.[25] If this is the case, then the post-Pentecost appearance to James both establishes Church governance and initiates the mission function of the Church.
The fifth appearance to “all the apostles” refers to “apostles” in another sense than “the Twelve.” Paul commonly uses the term apostolos in a way similar to its common usage (“sent forth” or “those sent forth”)[26] – that is, “missionaries.” This meaning would certainly correspond to the theory that the second set of appearances (James, “all the apostles,” and Paul) in the 1Corinthians 15 kerygma are “mission-initiating.”
If “all the apostles” is meant in this missionary sense, then it refers to all the primary missionaries mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles. This would include both Aramaic-speaking Jewish Christians and Hellenistic Jewish Christians in the early Church (i.e., prior to the conversion of Paul).[27] Fuller conjectures further:
Were these perhaps the missionaries referred to in Acts 11:19, who embarked upon a mission to Hellenistic Jews in Phoenicia, Cyprus and Antioch? Were the seven of Acts 6 originally part of the group consisting of “all the apostles?”[28]
Whether or not they were, “all the apostles” seems to refer to a significant group of Aramaic-speaking and Hellenistic missionaries who enjoyed prominence in the pre-Pauline Church.
It seems that these missionaries may have received multiple appearances in a post-Pentecost setting in Jerusalem. Why multiple? Because there is no specific reference to “all at once” as is noted in the passage about the 500+. It would seem, though, that these multiple appearances were shared in groups because specific individuals are not named (as they are for Peter, James, and Paul). Furthermore, Jerusalem is a likely place for these appearances, because it follows upon the Church-founding and mission-initiating activities which had already occurred there. The final appearance to Paul will be taken up below.
If the above conjectures are correct, then the 1Corinthians 15 kerygma refers to: (1) an appearance to Peter and (2) a subsequent appearance to the Twelve (both of which probably took place in Galilee and were both Church-founding and governance-establishing), (3) an appearance to 500 brethren, which may well be a Christophany associated with the gift of the Holy Spirit in Jerusalem (which is both Church-founding and mission-establishing), (4) a post-Pentecost appearance to James, the “brother” of Christ, in Jerusalem (which was both governance-establishing and mission-initiating, given that James is both the head of the Jerusalem Church and the head of the mission activities originating in Jerusalem), and (5) multiple post-Pentecost appearances, probably in Jerusalem, to the primary Aramaic-speaking and Hellenistic missionaries in the early Church (prior to the conversion of Paul). Most of the witnesses (from the above five groupings) would have lived within Paul’s writing of the 1Corinthians 15 kerygma (as Paul, himself, notes). The above list of witnesses is probably incomplete, for it does not account for the appearances to the women,[29] or seemingly to minor disciples (such as those on the way to Emmaus).
The Meaning of Ōphthē in the 1Corinthians 15 Kerygma
What does ōphthē in the 1Corinthians 15 list of witnesses mean? It can have meanings ranging from the simple passive “was seen” (in the sense of being seen with the eyes – physical sight – which puts the emphasis on the seer) to “appeared” (“made manifest” or “made accessible to sight,” which puts the emphasis on the reality being seen).
In light of Habermas’ analysis (see the introduction to this Unit above), it is probably best to translate ōphthē through a set of boundary conditions. There is ample evidence to show that from the kerygmas, the writings of Paul, and the resurrection narratives, Jesus was not simply a resuscitated corpse. Though He had corporeal features which resembled His embodied condition during His ministry, He was also transformed, manifesting trans-corporeal (spiritual) qualities which were apparently not conditioned by the laws of physics. Thus, the translation of ōphthē cannot mean “physical sight seeing a merely physical reality.” However, it could mean “physical sight seeing a transformed corporeal reality.”
Why attribute the experience to physical sight? Because the risen Jesus was experienced by groups of disciples – that is, by multiple individuals sharing the same experience. How else could multiple individuals have shared the same experience? The only alternative would seem to be that 500 individuals had their own private “ray of experience” of Jesus, which takes Cartesianism’s intrasubjective prioritization to such an extreme that it completely violates the principle of Ockham’s razor (the simpler explanation is preferable to the convoluted). Instead of one appearance shared by many, we now have poor Jesus having to appear 500 times to 500 individuals, and having to coordinate His 500 distinct appearances to those individuals in some simultaneous fashion! Why would anyone go to such an extent to deny that Jesus was experienced through physical sight?[30]
Therefore, it might be safe to consider ōphthē as referring to “the physical sight of a trans-physical reality which is accessible to physical sight without being limited to the laws of physics.” This not only corresponds to the above boundary conditions, but also respects both meanings of “ōphthē” as passive (“was seen by”) and middle (“appeared”).
Paul’s Experience of the Risen Jesus
There are two main sources of Paul’s experience of the risen Jesus: (1) the texts from his letters, and (2) the texts from the Acts of the Apostles. Paul’s own accounts of seeing the risen Christ must take precedence over Luke’s accounts of the same event, because Luke received his data from Paul. Furthermore, Luke would not have wanted to be in the position of telling Paul what Paul “really” experienced.
Paul’s Experience of the Risen Jesus – Implications in his Writings
There are five passages in Paul’s writings which refer to his experience of the risen Jesus: Galatians 1:11-17, 1Corinthians 9:1, 1Corinthians 15:8-11, 2Corinthians 4:6, and 2Corinthians 12:1-4. Wright assesses the common elements in these five passages, and concludes that Paul had an experience of the risen Christ which was similar to the ones described in the Gospel narratives, namely, that the experience occurred through physical sight, that it had a transformed corporeal ground, and it was not an interior vision or an ecstatic experience. A brief summary of Wright’s conclusions in this regard follows.
(1) Paul physically saw the risen Jesus. At first glance, this might seem to be a very implausible claim because Luke implies that Paul had a vision of Jesus which other witnesses around him did not see. This would seem to indicate that Paul had an interior vision of Jesus (which stands in contrast to the light which all the witnesses saw). However, if we are to value Paul’s own words above the narrative constructions in Luke (which Wright correctly insists must be our hermeneutical priority) and we are not to read the Lukan narrative into Paul’s own vocabulary, and if we are to read Paul’s vocabulary according to its normal meaning, then it would seem that Paul physically saw Jesus. According to Wright:
The combination of this verse [1Corinthians 9:1] with 15:8-11 makes it clear that Paul intends a “seeing” which is something quite different from the manifold spiritual experiences, the “seeings” with the eye of the heart, which many Christians in most periods of history have experienced. … The word heoraka, “I have seen,” is a normal word for ordinary sight. It does not imply that this was a subjective “vision” or a private revelation….[31]
(2) Paul’s experience was not of a non-corporeal being. We should begin with the text of 1Corinthians 15:36-49, because there is excellent reason for believing that Paul grounds his description of our future risen bodies in his experience of the risen Christ.[32] He implies this when he says, “Just as we have borne the image of the earthly one [Adam], we shall also bear the image of the heavenly one [the risen Christ]” (15:49). If Paul had not experienced the heavenly man (Christ), he would not have been able to give a description of our future risen bodies (the image of the heavenly man). Thus, the forthcoming passage could be read not only as a description of our future risen bodies, but also as Paul’s experience of the risen Christ:
What you sow is not brought to life unless it dies. And what you sow is not the body that is to be, but a bare kernel of wheat, perhaps, or of some other kind; but God gives it a body as He chooses, and to each of the seeds its own body. … So also is the resurrection of the dead. It is sown corruptible; it is raised incorruptible. It is sown dishonorable; it is raised glorious. It is sown weak; it is raised powerful. It is sown a natural body; it is raised a spiritual body (pneumatikon sōma). If there is a natural body, there is also a spiritual one. … Behold, I tell you a mystery. We shall not all fall asleep, but we will all be changed, in an instant, in the blink of an eye, at the last trumpet. … For that which is corruptible must clothe itself with incorruptibility, and that which is mortal must clothe itself with immortality (1Cor.15:36-53).[33]
The key feature throughout Paul’s description is continuity between our natural body and our future spiritual body. Though it is clear that our natural bodies will be significantly transformed, it is equally clear that there will be continuity between the natural body and the spiritual body. This can be seen not only from Paul’s use of the word “sōma” of both the natural and spiritual body, but also his wording in the above passage. The natural body is a “kernel” or a “seed” of what is to come; it is “sown” and “raised” – it is not destroyed and recreated; the natural body “clothes itself” in incorruptibility and immortality – the word “itself” implies that it does not go away. One would have to do violence to this text to remove the dimension of continuity between natural and spiritual body.
We may now return to our original point that Paul grounds his description of our future risen bodies in his experience of the risen Christ. It would seem that Paul’s experience of the risen Christ was certainly not purely spiritual/glorious. His use of “body” and the continuity between “natural body” and “spiritual body” imply that the risen Jesus manifested Himself in a transformed corporeal form. Wright notes in this regard:
…the rest of chapter 15 [of 1Corinthians] does not (as we have seen) speak of that interesting oxymoron, a non-bodily “resurrection.”[34]
(3) Paul’s experience on the road to Damascus is distinct from the ecstatic experiences he later had and described in 2Corinthians 12:1-4. The revelation (or vision) referred to in 2Corinthians 12:1-4 must be different in nature than Paul’s experience of the risen Christ on the road to Damascus, because the latter was thought by him to be unrepeatable.[35]Furthermore, the ecstatic experiences are not present to his physical sight (eiden and heoraka) in the world; they are a revelation which snatches him up to the third heaven or paradise. Wright notes in this regard:
The particular ecstatic experience to which he refers in [2Cor] 12.1-4 took place, it seems, around the year 40 (assuming a date in the mid-50s for 2 Corinthians)…. It seems clear from later in the passage that Paul is talking about himself.… [T]his cannot be a reference to his Damascus Road experience; it is chronologically far too late, and belongs in a different category.[36]
Wright goes on to say that Paul does not intend to associate these later ecstatic experiences with the earlier experience of the risen Christ on the road. Indeed, the Corinthian community does not expect him to. They are already familiar with Paul’s “road to Damascus” experience, and are looking for more contemporary experiences:
What they [the Corinthians] want is an up-to-date account of his wonderful spiritual experiences, the more recent the better. If Paul is a true apostle, surely he will be able to regale them with splendid tales of heavenly journeys, of revelations of secret wisdom, of glimpses of glory far beyond mortal eyes.[37]
As Wright notes, the above three characteristics present a considerably different portrait of Paul’s experience of the risen Christ than the one given by Luke in the Acts of the Apostles. If one reads between the lines, it seems that Paul had an experience of a significantly transformed yet corporeal Jesus which he saw with his physical sight, and which was quite distinct from an interior vision. This would make Paul’s experiences very similar to the ones recounted in the Gospel narratives (which accentuate the corporeal elements), but distinct from the accounts given in Acts (which accentuates an appearance as an intense light). How, then, should we interpret the three accounts in Acts?
Paul’s Experience of the Risen Jesus as Described in the Acts of the Apostles
Before proceeding to the three Lukan accounts of Paul’s experience in the Acts of the Apostles, we will want to follow Wright in investigating the other minor or passing references to Paul’s experience in the same work. Wright notes here that these passing references indicate precisely what Paul says in 1Corinthians 9:1, namely, that he physically saw the risen Jesus:
This point is…clear from Acts 9:17, where Ananias speaks of Jesus having “appeared (ophtheis) to you,” and 9.27, where Barnabas explains how Saul had seen (eiden) the lord on the road.[38]
This reinforces the view that Paul actually saw the risen Jesus on the road to Damascus.
At first glance, this does not seem to square with the three Lukan accounts of Paul’s experience in Acts, because they imply that Paul had an interior vision of the risen Jesus in that he saw the risen Jesus while his companions did not. If Jesus was accessible to physical sight, it would seem that his companions would have seen Him as well as Paul.
Moreover, the Lukan accounts do not agree among themselves. The first Lukan account (Acts 9:3ff) indicates that his companions did not see anybody, but they heard a voice. The second and third Lukan accounts indicate that his companions saw a light, but did not hear anything. Luke must have been aware of these inconsistencies among the accounts, and was certainly intelligent enough to have reconciled them, which provokes the question of why he would have deliberately written these inconsistent accounts of Paul’s experience of the risen Jesus.
Wright believes that this can be explained by Luke’s interest in legitimating Paul’s call within the longstanding Jewish prophetic tradition. Luke has deliberately created a narrative which follows the calls of Ezekiel and Daniel (two of the greatest prophets in the history of Israel). By putting Jesus’ call of Paul into the same form as God’s call of the great prophets, Luke shows that Jesus is acting in the same way as the God of Israel, and Paul is receiving a call similar to the great prophets. Paul is legitimated to Jewish audiences despite his seemingly rebellious character.[39]
In the call of Ezekiel, no companions are mentioned, however, the mention of light, falling down, a divine voice, and being urged to rise resemble Luke’s account of Paul’s call by Jesus:
Like the bow which appears in the clouds on a rainy day was the splendor that surrounded him. Such was the vision of the likeness of the glory of the Lord. When I had seen it, I fell upon my face and heard a voice that said to me: Son of man, stand up! (Ez 1:28-2:1).[40]
In the call of Daniel we see many similarities to the call of Paul in Acts: a vision which Daniel’s companions did not see, a divine voice, falling down, being urged to rise, and a loss of strength:
I looked up and saw a man clothed in linen, with a belt of gold from Uphaz around his waist…. I Daniel, alone saw the vision; the people who were with me did not see the vision, though a great trembling fell upon them, and they fled and hid themselves. So I was left alone to see this great vision. My strength left me, and my complexion grew deathly pale, and I retained no strength. Then I heard the sound of his words; and when I heard the sound of his words, I fell into a trance, face to the ground. But then a hand touched me and roused me to my hands and knees. He said to me, “Daniel, greatly beloved, pay attention to the words that I am going to speak to you. Stand on your feet, for I have now been sent to you.” So while he was speaking this word to me, I stood up trembling (Daniel 10:5-11).[41]
It is difficult to resist Wright’s contention that Luke intentionally contoured the narrative of Paul’s call by Jesus to resemble that of the call of Ezekiel and Daniel by the God of Israel, because it explains why Luke would deviate from the Pauline testimony with which he was familiar (as evidenced in Acts 9:17 and 9:27). Luke wanted to show that Paul was operating within the scope of Jewish tradition, and therefore possessed the authority of Israel’s God. He also wanted to show that the call of Jesus was virtually identical to the call of Israel’s God.
So, where does this leave us in our investigation of how Jesus appeared to Paul? We must return to Paul’s own accounts which indicate that Paul physically saw the risen Jesus as both embodied and transformed. “Body” is implied to be continuous with Jesus’ embodiment during His ministry; and “spiritual” refers to a transformation (re-clothing) of that earthly body into immortality, incorruptibility, power, and glory. Paul seems to have seen a risen Jesus at once glorified and embodied, which closely resembles the accounts given in the Gospel narratives.
Does this mean that we have to discount completely the light and the voice described by Luke (that is, to relegate them to mere literary license)? I would suggest that such a leap goes much too far, because light is consistent with the spiritual transformation of Jesus’ body, and that the voice which Paul hears is consistent with His previous corporeality. One should not infer from this that Jesus appeared as pure light, because this is not consistent with Paul’s account of a re-clothing of Jesus’ physical body. Light may have accompanied the transformed body of Jesus, without, as it were, “taking it over.” Whatever we conclude, it should be consistent with two well-established evidential grounds: (1) Jesus’ appearance as “physically seen” (not an interior vision, but rather accessible to multiple witnesses through exterior physical sight simultaneously), and (2) Jesus’ appearance having characteristics of both spiritual transformation and earthly corporeality. As will be shown below, the Gospel accounts are quite consistent with this Pauline description, explaining why the vast majority of contemporary exegetes subscribe to it.
Paul’s Validation of his and other Witnesses’ Claims about Seeing the Risen Jesus
Immediately after the 1Corinthians 15 kerygma (with its list of witnesses), Paul presents an interesting dilemma which could apply to all the witnesses in that list:
[1] …if Christ has not been raised, then our preaching is in vain and your faith is in vain. We are also found to be false witnesses [pseudomartures] of God because we witnessed [emarturēsamen] of God that He raised Christ….
[2] If for this life only we have hoped in Christ, we are of all men most to be pitied. …Why am I in peril every hour? …I die every day! What do I gain if, humanly speaking, I fought with beasts at Ephesus? If the dead are not raised, “Let us eat and drink, for tomorrow we die” (1Cor 15:14-32).
If one looks at this passage carefully, one can see the makings of a classical dilemma which has the objective of verifying the witness value not only of Paul, but also of the Twelve, the 500, James, and the “other apostles.” From a legal perspective, the most objective way of validating a witness’ testimony is to show that that witness has “everything to lose, and nothing to gain.” From the opposite perspective, a witness who has everything to gain and nothing to lose may be telling the truth, but there is no extrinsic way of validating this. Indeed, there is a haunting suspicion that the witness may be acting in his own self-interest. A better witness would be one who had nothing to gain or lose, for at least he would not be acting in his own self-interest. But the best witness would be one who had everything to lose (and nothing to gain) because this witness would be acting against his own self-interest, which is a disposition which most of us want desperately to avoid. I believe that Paul is trying to show that not only he, but also the others in the list of witnesses, are in this third category, and therefore deserve to be ranked among the best possible witnesses.
Paul sets out his test for witness validity in a dilemma with (of course) two opposed parts: (1) the assumption that the witnesses believed in God, and (2) the assumption that the witnesses did not believe in God. Let us return to the passage above, and insert these phrases:
1) [If, on the one hand, we believe in God, and] if Christ has not been raised, then our preaching is in vain and your faith is in vain. We are also found to be false witnesses [pseudomartures] of God because we witnessed [emarturēsamen] of God that He raised Christ….
2) [If on the other hand, we do not believe in God, and] if for this life only we have hoped in Christ, we are, of all men, most to be pitied. …Why am I in peril every hour? …I die every day! What do I gain if, humanly speaking, I fought with beasts at Ephesus? If the dead are not raised, “Let us eat and drink, for tomorrow we die.”
The first part of the dilemma assumes that Paul (and the other witnesses) believe in God. If Paul truly believes in God, He does not want to bear false witness of God, because this would not only disappoint the Lord whom He adores, but also might, in fact, jeopardize his salvation. This problem is compounded by the fact that his false testimony would be leading hundreds, if not thousands of people astray, which would not only be a colossal waste of his ministry and time (“our preaching is in vain”), but also a colossal waste of the time and lives of the people he is affecting by his false testimony (“your faith is in vain”). If Paul really does believe in God, why would he waste his life, waste the faith of believers, bear false witness, and risk his salvation? This does not seem to be commensurate with someone of genuine faith (or common sense).
The second part of the dilemma hypothesizes that Paul does not believe in God. In other words, that Paul’s preaching of the resurrection is not for the sake of converts to God, but for converts to Paul. But Paul presents a poignant objection: “If the dead are not raised, ‘Let us eat and drink, for tomorrow we die.’” Paul is saying that the cost of preaching a false resurrection (without any belief in a God who saves) is simply too high. He and the other witnesses are not only being challenged by Jewish and Roman authorities, they are being actively persecuted. As he puts it, he is dying every day and is being subject to trials with substantial risk of martyrdom.
Paul is probably using this dilemma to show (in a quasi-legal fashion) that he and the other witnesses have everything to lose and nothing to gain by bearing false witness to the resurrection of Christ. But this cannot be viewed merely as a test of witness validity. It must also be viewed as a real, internal tribulation that would have occurred to any false witness who either did or did not believe in God under conditions of persecution. In short, it can hardly be believed that such a thought process would not have occurred to a person being persecuted for testimony which he or she knew to be false. Could all of the so-called witnesses within living memory of Christ’s resurrection have been so naïve? It seems to me that they could not. If authentic motivation fails, self-interest seems to occur to us, and the above dilemma makes clear that the witness’ self-interest could not be furthered (in conditions of persecution) if their testimony to Christ’s resurrection were untrue.
It must be stressed that Paul makes the above “contra-self-interest” argument to state clearly why he and the other witnesses would not testify falsely. It does not express the full range of Paul’s positive motivation for enduring persecution through the preaching of the resurrection. Paul not only believes that he is speaking the truth, but that he is speaking the truth about the Lord he loves (that is, the Lord who has loved him first). He endures persecution not simply because he believes he has a duty to bear witness to the truth about the resurrection, but also because he loves the One about whom he bears witness. If Paul’s love is true, then it can hardly be thought that he is preaching a falsity about his Beloved. Paul’s sense of authenticity would probably not permit him to live with such a contradiction. As one probes the depths of Paul’s authenticity, integrity, and love, it is very hard to believe that he (and others like him) could deliberately falsify their claim about the resurrection.
Wright’s Argument for the Historicity of Paul’s Experience of the Risen Jesus
Wright demonstrates, in considerable detail, that the early Christian view of resurrection does not resemble the pagan notion of the “afterlife.” Indeed, the pagan notion of afterlife (disembodied immortality) does not resemble the Jewish notion of resurrection.[42] He notes in this regard, “…no pagans known to us ever imagined that resurrection could or would really take place, let alone offered any developed framework of thought on the subject.”[43]
Though Paul views the resurrection through the lens of his Jewish background, he alters it considerably, “indicat[ing] that he thought he knew something more about what resurrection was, something for which his tradition had not prepared him.”[44] He develops and changes the Jewish tradition in four respects:
[1] Resurrection was now happening in two stages (first Jesus, then all his people); [2] resurrection as a metaphor meant, not the restoration of Israel (though that comes in alongside in Romans 11), but the moral restoration of human beings; [3] resurrection meant, not the victory of Israel over her enemies, but the Gentile mission in which all would be equal on the basis of faith; [4] resurrection was not resuscitation, but transformation into a non-corruptible body.[45]
As Wright notes, “the only explanation for these modifications is that they originated in what Paul believed had happened to Jesus himself.”[46] It is very difficult to imagine why Paul (with his pharisaical training) would have ever changed the restoration of Israel (the metaphorical meaning of resurrection) to the foundation of the kingdom of God which would include the Gentile peoples, and then extended the privilege of resurrection to these Gentile peoples, unless he had experienced the resurrection as a “kingdom-initiating” event – the establishment of a new Jerusalem. Furthermore, it is very difficult to imagine why Paul would have moved from the Jewish tradition of resurrection to one which entails a “transformation of our embodiment through a sharing in divine glory,” unless he truly believed that we would share in the same glory he had witnessed in the risen Jesus. Paul’s movement from the “this worldly,” “Israel-centered” notion of resurrection, to the universal “other worldly,” “transformation in divine glory” view of resurrection, and his placement of this movement at the very center of his theology, makes no sense unless he had another source of evidence for resurrection beyond the Jewish tradition.
It is very likely that this additional evidence was his experience of the risen Jesus, because Paul’s departures from Jewish tradition resemble those in the Gospel narratives and other New Testament sources. It would again be very difficult to imagine how all of these peculiar departures from Jewish tradition occurred within a multiplicity of non-overlapping sources without their having shared a common historical origin. Given that these peculiar departures from Judaism are found in the risen Jesus in all three non-overlapping Gospel narratives (Matthew, Luke, and John), and that this description corresponds to Paul’s own experience of the risen Jesus, their common origin may be reasonably attributed to Paul’s and other early witnesses’ experience of the transformed embodiment of the risen Jesus. This conclusion will be taken up in detail in the next unit which is devoted to Wright’s arguments for the historicity of the resurrection

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